Abstracts & Papers in Stream 5

This paper attempts to explore social bases of the Korean welfare state by analyzing the Korea's part of the ISSP(International Social Survey Program) data, an world-wide public opinion survey data. Until now most research on the East Asian welfare regimes have focused on the analysis of the formal institutional and program structures of the welfare system or public social expenditures, and their comparisons among countries. However, the recent inclusion of some East Asian countries to the ISSP survey data allows us to explore the people's ideas and perceptions about the various areas of the government roles including the economy and social welfare, helping explore certain aspects of the social bases of the welfare system based on the individual cognitive level.
It has been argued that one of a plausible regime type of characterizing some East Asian countries is a 'developmental welfare regime,' which had emphasized the state's architectural role in constructing the welfare system to help the state-led economic growth and rapid industrialization strategy. Perhaps the Korean case is one of the best examples. However, Korea has experienced an extensive welfare reforms toward a 'universalized' insurance system since the financial crisis in the late 1990s, even though the heavy influence of the globalization and the neo-liberalism. Observing this trend, some commentators claim that the Korea has gone beyond the stage of the developmental welfare regime toward a post-developmental one.
This paper, as a preliminary research applying these data to the Korean case, framed various dimensions of the social bases of the welfare system based on the previous theories on the development of the welfare state, including individual characteristics, education and skill specificity, labor market status, political partisanship, and region and religion. The statistical analysis based on the ISSP data reveals that the Korean welfare system does not have any strong and coherent social bases regarding particular groups, classes, and partisanships to support its expansion toward the universal welfare state as causality level. The Korean people's idea of welfare still remains in the narrow concept of welfare, a residual concept of welfare helping exclusively the low-income people rather than a universal one of welfare supporting a wide range of social insurance system. The majority of the Korean people continue to support a wide range of the roles of the state, especially the economic growth and regulation, even though a relatively long and strong exposes of the neo-liberal ideology. These findings imply that the institutional legacies of the developmental state still remain strong in the Korean people's perception in the role of the state, restraining the emergence of the policy reform agenda toward a universal concept of the welfare system.

We prolong a comparative about the Korean and Mexican welfare regimes. Mexico has paradoxically secured the dualized character of its system, with the construction of new institutions that serve to further embed the segmentation and stratification of the social security and social protection system. South Korea regime has been abandoning a residual system and can be placed in new characteristics: the institutionalization of universalism, linked to limited markets and governed by public action (health), with declining familialization (but still socially strong), South Korea is clearly a hybrid case.
In this paper, we will analyze the last social policies and social and political debates in the two countries. In what extent these new policies influence the Korean and Mexico welfare regime? In what extent these social and political debates enhance, debilitate or confront the most important Korean and Mexico social coalitions, important foundations of the welfare regimes? About Mexico, we will discuss the new programs created to cover the poor people with a limited health insurance and to include a partial noncontributory pension system. About South Korea, we will discuss the modifications in the national health system to diminish the household expenses and also the expansion of the pension system. Concerning the social and political debates in Mexico, we will explore the results of government proposition (2009) about new instruments of tax policy designed to fight poverty. In relation to social and political debates in South Korea, we will look at government intention (2008-2009) to reform the health system with the objective to enhance competition; specially, we will include the debates about this issue in the context of candlelight movement (2008).

 

 

Full paper: EASP 2010 Paper Enrique Valencia Health South Korea and Mexico PDF.pdf

This paper presents a formal model of social policy development. The model shows that the development of social policy depends both on the social policy preferences of voters and on the political institution which mediates the preferences of voters. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pairwise vote. But in the representative democracy, political parties design social policy to win the support of a majority of voters. Hence, the political institution like electoral rule may affect social policy outcome. The model presented in this paper contrasts 3 alternative constitutional features and investigates how they affect social policy outcome. After presenting this formal model, this paper shows comparative patterns of 16 OECD countries including Korea and Japan which provide empirical support for my argument. In result, this papers emphasizes that policy preferences of voters and political institution may be key variables to explain social policy development and divergence among welfare regimes.

Name : Hong, Kyung-Zoon

Institution: Sungkyunkwan University

E-mail Address : zookie@skku.edu

 

Full paper: Sahyun Kim_Kyungzoon Hong_2010_The effect of the welfare state institutions on welfare attitude.pdf