Abstracts & Papers in Stream 3

In the late 2000s, both Korea and Japan encountered challenges from the slowdown of economic growth, which has been the main resource of welfare state, and the change of modern family structure, which has been one of the basic units of welfare provision and the source of labor power. The 1990s is the turning point for Korea and Japan in terms of economic and social policies. Economic crisis made them search for a new way of adjustment. The responses of the government in the process of recovery from financial crisis of Korea raised the interests in the links between economic policies and social policies. Japan was also exposed to the pressures to reform economy policies and social policies after the bubble economy.
Demographic changes including aging population and the transition or the collapse of modern family structure have begun to affect the industrialized societies and increase the interests in family policies. Particularly, welfare both in Korea and Japan has heavily depended on the provision from family comparing to other developed countries. Thus the changes of family structure bring about the concerns on family policies both in terms of welfare provider and labor power source.
In this paper, I analyze how Korea and Japan response to the change of economic and social environments considering the link between labor market policies and social policies incorporating family policies, particularly concerning on balancing work and family life. The differences in parental employment structure and the characteristics of labor market make the different characteristics of welfare system of Korea and Japan.

Dongchul Jung
(Yonsei University)

Korea has undergone dramatic social changes since the economic crisis of 1997. Among the many changes, this study focuses specifically on the changes that took place within family culture. Korea, as an asian country with strong tradition of confucianism, had placed more emphasis on the patriarchal relationship until about a decade ago. But there are signs that the importance of patriarchal relationship is beginning to lessen whereas the matriarchal relationship takes more importance in everyday lives(ex. practical help given by the women's parents on child care).
Does such trend imply that the Korean society is shifting from the patriarchal to a matriarchal society? It would be difficult to conclude within one research, but this study certainly attempts to take the first step. In order to achieve such objective, this study analyzes the emotional and economic relationship between the parents of both sides and the household according to income level. The analysis begins with two main hypotheses as shown below.

Hypotheses 1 :  Households belonging to a higher income class will share more emotional exchange with the women's parents than the men's.
1-1 : The degree of emotional exchange with the men's parents will not vary according to household income level.
1-2 : The degree of emotional exchange with the women's parents will increase according to household income level.

Hypotheses 2 : There will be more economic exchange with the men's parents than the women's parents regardless of income level.
2-1 : The degree of economic exchange with parents of both sides will rise with the income level
2-2 : There will be more economic exchange with the men's parents than the women's parents regardless of income level.

Byung-Don Son
(Pyeongtaek University, bdson@ptu.ac.kr)
So-Chung Lee
(Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs, snowvill@kihasa.re.kr)

Today's mainstream youth problems are at once national and transnational. They are deeply domestic because perceived problems surrounding youth are always intimately bound up with particular cultural debates, values and interests that shift over time. But underlying categories such as the Japanese otaku ('nerds'), hikikomori (withdrawn youth) and NEET (jobless/excluded youth) hardly rise or fall in strictly isolated habitats: they draw influence from foreign debates, get circulated globally by the international news media, and they thus also shape youth problem discussions elsewhere. This is the first reason to broaden our approach to youth problems beyond the confines of national borders.
   The second reason to adopt an international approach is perhaps even more interesting theoretically: based on accumulating evidence, it can now be hypothesized that youth debates are shaped by highly similar social mechanisms across developed societies. It is these mechanisms that account for the initial emergence of particular problems (the synchronic dimension) as well as their transformation over time (the diachronic dimension). Only based on an awareness of these mechanisms can one carry out informed cross-national comparisons of youth problems, and subsequently, of youth policies.
   This paper strives to open up a new field of comparative inquiry by exploring the above themes. It builds upon a legacy of youth studies conducted in the Japanese context while also citing examples from other East Asian societies (that share certain cultural and institutional features with Japan) and the international news media. The final section of the paper begins a discussion on comparative methodology in relation to youth problems and suggests promising topics for further case studies.

Tuukka Toivonen, PhD (Oxon)
JSPS Postdoctoral Fellow
Department of Sociology, Graduate School of Humanities,
Kyoto University
tuukka.t@gmail.com

Marriage between locals andiage  immigrants from Southeast Asian countries has becomes a popular phenomenon inamong Korea, Japan, and Taiwan. [Above issue??-not clear] focused on [the trade marriage-this should be clarified] and female immigrantsFor example, the number of marriage immigrants in Taiwan increased from 127 a year in 1982 to 52,036 in 2003. The numbers decreased after 2003 because of the interviewing requests for marriage immigrants. Both the Korean and Taiwanese governments have put a lot of efforts into solveing the social adaptation problems derived from the cross-national marriages.
According to the Taiwanese government statistics, of all marriages between locals and foreign nationals, there werethe female marriage immigrants amounts to 48,601 (86.4%) marriages with female immigrants in 2008, and the male marriage immigrant was 7,642 (13.6%) marriages with male immigrants. The social adaptation problems that the male immigrants faced presented as issuesthe results of the intercourse of social class, gender, and race.
Qualitative research and in-depth interviews were usedadopted to collect data from 13 immigrant males. Their nationalities included Jordanian, Indian, Thailand, Burmesea, Indonesian, Chinesea, British and AmericanUK, and USA.
1. The eEmployment anxiety due to being theas a breadwinner of the family in Taiwan: Although the male immigrants may face the language difficulties similar toas the female immigrants, they have more pressure in finding full-time jobs and 'being a real man' into supporting the family as they said. IfOnce they cannot find a stable job, they displayshowed a great deal of anxiety at home. According to the government statistics (MOoI, 2004), 71.8% of the male immigrants have full-time jobs, compared with 35.5% of the female immigrants.
2. Gender inequality within the cultural context: son-in-law vs. daughter-in-law: A number of female immigrants have comecame to Taiwan because of trade marriage[??]. Their husbands and the families regarded them as 'propertyies'. Therefore, the female immigrants felt they had a lower status at home. Compared with the female immigrants, the male immigrants receiveget more approval from their wives' families. The wives' families and the parents-in-law provided a lot of help for the foreign sons-in-law with a lot of help,s including child-careing and job-seeking.
3. 'We are spoiled Americans' - racial issues in cross-national marriages: Male immigrants from the UK and USA had fewerconfronted less adaptation problems because the host society, in general, shows them a welcominge attitude. They described themselves as beingen 'spoiled' by the Taiwanese. However, the male immigrants from Southeast Asian countries stated that Taiwanese looked down onof them because of their dark skin. Even though they residestayed in Taiwan throughwith the legal marriage, they arewere quite often called 'foreign labour' andwith discriminated againstion. Their children arewere even excluded from the school activities because of their skin colour.

 

Full paper: YuChingYeh_2010_Social Adaptation of Male Immigrants.pdf